In the Name of God, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful
والحمدلله ربّ العالمين
و الصّلاة و السّلام علي سيّدنا و نبيّنا ابي‌القاسم المصطفي محمّد
و علي آله الاطيبين الاطهرين المنتجبين سيّما بقيّةالله في الارضين
You are very welcome dear brethren and sisters, who God willing, would play a determining role in the progress of the country
and are constituent components of one of the biggest pillars of the country and the [Islamic] Revolution.
I congratulate all of you for having achieved this success
and, thank God, the Almighty God helped you be in this lofty position.
Let me say a sentence first. Well, it is the last days of the [lunar] month of Sha’ban and [we are] close to the month of Ramadan.
Let’s orientate our hearts toward divine contentment and divine responsibility [that we shoulder].
I tell you this: dear brethren and sisters! Appreciate this position
and know that it is very ephemeral; that is, as soon as you blink your eyes, [these] four years [of your term in parliament] are gone.
It is like our life after all; our life is also like this; when one looks behind him [at the end of his life] it seems that this period [of life] has gone by like lightening
and pleasant times, hardships, bitter moments, sweet moments, pleasures, [and] sufferings are over.
If during this long period – now as for the likes of this humble one, for example assume [this] 70-80-year [period] –
one has been able to leave behind a point,
which he could reckon on before the Almighty God and have hope in, well, so much the better;
however, if in this long period, we have done nothing which could be defended before the Almighty God –
[because] humans are used to calculate after all – the life would be [mere] loss;
[it would be] tantamount to [what the Quran says:]: “mankind is in loss, except for those who have believed [in God] and done righteous deeds;” [therefore, the most important thing is] faith and righteous deed.
If this righteous deed and this faith existed in this period that has passed from our life,
well yes, it would not be a loss; [and] it would be as much benefit [for us]; [but] if God forbid, this is not the case
or when one calculates, sees [what he has done] is open to doubt and dispute,
then the situation would be very difficult for that person; very [difficult].
In the honorable prayer, Abi Hamza, Hadhrat [Ali (PBUH)] asks the Almighty God:
“O Almighty! Have mercy on me when my argument does not suffice anymore, and my tongue is not able to answer you,
and my brain stops working when you are questioning me.”
[He says to God:] when you are asking me a question, I have no answer to give you
– [this is because] they investigate human deeds; [and] a person must be able to answer after all –
[this is why Imam Ali (PBUH) says:] “my tongue is tied [and] I cannot answer you;”
and my argument reaches its end –
humans have certain arguments for themselves after all [and for example, they say:] “I did this for this [reason], [or] for that reason;”
then [when] they want to answer [questions] on every one of these [deeds] they run out of argument.
[Imam Ali (PBUH) then says:] “And my brain, my heart, [and] my soul
will be baffled and bewildered in the face of these consecutive questions that will be asked of me;
this is what happens [to all humans]. I have experienced this myself, [and] this is my experience. Now, [at first] I did not want [to say this];
then it occurred to me, [and] rolled off my tongue, [and] I say it.
In the [Iranian calendar] year 1360 (1981-82), when that specific incident happened to me at the Abuzar Mosque [in downtown Tehran], well, I lost consciousness.
Then they had picked me up and when they were taking me out of the mosque toward the car,
I regained [my] consciousness two times [or] three times and again I lost consciousness until I was totally unconscious.
In those two [or] three times that I came to, once I felt that this was the last moment [of my life];
that is, I totally felt that it is the moment of death.
All of a sudden, my entire life flashed before my eye.
I thought to myself that “well, now, what do I have to offer?”
The more I thought, [the more] I saw that all [I had done] was open to dispute.
Well, I [had] fought [against the previous regime], was sent to jail, was beaten, [and] I [also] taught, [and] I took [many] difficulties – these are those things that occur to one’s mind after all –
[but] at that moment, I saw that all of these [deeds] could be disputed with me;
[they could say:] “in that given case, a non-divine intention may have been mixed with this intention of yours;” [well, as if I have done] nothing; everything is lost!
I Suddenly felt like I was suspended between the Earth and the sky,
like a person who has no handle to latch onto.
I said, “O Almighty! This is my situation, [which] you see after all, [and] I apparently don’t have anything [to offer];
the more I calculate, [the more] I see my hands are empty, [and there is no choice,] unless you have mercy [on me] one way or another.
This state befalls one. [Therefore,] let’s take advantage of these opportunities.
You have been offered with a good opportunity; four years at the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis), a place where management of the country and lawmaking is done there.
The importance of this lawmaking is very high; this is really, as I have frequently said before, is to lay the track [for the administration].
You firstly lay the track for the administration’s movement,
[and] then with the powers invested in you by the Constitution – among which is to carry out investigation and probe as has been stipulated by the Constitution –
you can guarantee that this movement will take place.
It is not merely [limited to giving] recommendation [to the administration]; according to the law, you can follow up [on many issues], investigate, [and] probe;
[and] this is by no means at odds with cooperation with the administration. This is what I I personally believe and it has always been my opinion with regard to all administrations
that the Majlis (parliament) must cooperate with the administration, but this cooperation does not mean to compromise on the Majlis’ rights.
You must enforce your right, investigate, probe, [and] take [executive officials] to task as to why [some step] has not been taken, has not been taken properly, [or] has been taken in a different way.
This is a very important opportunity; appreciate this [opportunity].
In early [years of the] revolution, when there were talks about electing the president
and various candidates were constantly introduced, I and another one of my friends, left Tehran to meet with the Imam in [the city of] Qom
– at that time he [Imam Khomeini] was [living] in Qom – [and] it was in an unsuitable [and] hard time, [when] he was inside [his domicile], [but] we insisted that we should meet with the Imam at any cost.
Since Imam had said that men of cloth should not be introduced, [and should] not be nominated for presidency;
we were there to talk to the Imam, [and] argue [with him] to say “no, you remove this ban so that we nominate Mr. [Mohammad Hosseini] Beheshti [for presidency];
we believed that Martyr Beheshti (May God’s Mercy Be upon Him) was the best of all;
we had gone there to argue with him over this issue. We talked and listened for a while and he told us things and we said things;
then he told us, “You go [back to Tehran] and take care of the Majlis; go after the Majlis;” at that time, Majlis elections had not been [held] yet;
he told us to take care of the Majlis, [because] the Majlis is important. His recommendation to us – to me and those friends [who were with me] – was [this]; that is,
“do not put [too much] emphasis on the issue of the administration;” [because] in his opinion, the Majlis was more important than the administration and the executive branch.
Well, now ask God [for help]; really ask [God] for help! The [fasting] month of Ramadan is ahead;
fasting is an opportunity, praying is an opportunity, staying awake at nights is an opportunity,
[and] the nocturnal prayers, which the faithful should naturally manage to say more in these nights, is an opportunity;
[so,] pray, supplicate [before God] and ask God to make you successful to, God willing, pull off this big task.
Well, I offer a few points. One [point] is about the main duty of the Majlis and importance of the Majlis;
one [point] is about the issue of the law; one [point] is especially related to the field of economy;
one [point] is especially related to the field of culture; [and] one [point] is about the general policies and foreign policy issues and the likes of these.
God willing, I would say a few sentences in this regard.
According to the constitution, you have been obligated to defend the achievements of the [Islamic] Revolution and the fundaments of Islam; this was in your oath [of office].
I said in my message to you that this oath is a real oath;
that is, if this oath is broken, it would have atonement.
You have taken an oath to protect the fundaments of Islam and the achievements of the revolution. Well, this is an important thing.
When this would be possible? When the Majlis would be really on top of all [the country’s] affairs; [and] it is up to you to realize this [goal].
“Majlis on top of [all] affairs” is not a pleasantry, which we would use it as a pleasantry; no, the Majlis must be really on top of [all the country’s] affairs.
I mean, it must make decision and that decision must be carried out.
Of course, let me tell you that under various administrations
– both this incumbent administration, [and] the former administration, [and all] previous administrations; all of them after the demise of the Imam
and when Imam was alive, under my own administration – it happened at some places that we were caught in some bottlenecks
and [even] now administrations are caught [in such bottlenecks], [in] which they take advantage of the Leader’s powers; this [situation also] exists.
However, [even] in those [cases] I frequently tried to be careful that as far as it was possible, no harm would be done to the Majlis’ decision.
Official form one of the previous administrations had come [to me] asking for something, which was quite the opposite of the budget law of that year;
at that time, there was no [development] plan [law], [but] there was the budget law.
Despite all the insistence they made, I did not accept [their request]; although they had problems [to deal with], I said,
“We have a Majlis where [lawmakers] have made a decision and [they] have passed the budget law despite all this difficulty,
[and] now you [want to] come [here] and turn the entire law upside down with a single word; this is not possible.
The Majlis should be put on top of the [country’s] affairs.
Respect for the Majlis, dignity of the Majlis, [and] awesomeness of the Majlis must remain unmolested.
Once, I told – I think either [current Majlis speaker] Mr. [Ali Larijani] or [another] one of [previous] Majlis speakers
– that it was like this since the outset of the Constitutionalism up to when Reza Khan came to power.
When Reza Khan came [to power], the Majlis and law and lawmaking and the likes of these all vanished into thin air;
however, before the rise of Reza Khan – which well, there was lawmaking and the Majlis and the [National] Consultative Assembly, not to mention that the Constitutionalism was still nascent;
it was apparently in the second or third term of the Majlis; anyway, before Reza Khan rose to power – the Majlis speaker was Mo’tamen-ol-Molk,
who was among reputable dignitaries of the Qajar era. The brother of Mo’tamen-ol-Molk was Moshir-od-Doleh, who was the prime minister.
He also happened to be among reputable dignitaries [of that time]; that is, these two brothers are among relatively reputable dignitaries of the Qajar era and the first Pahlavi [monarch].
So, the older brother, who was Moshir-od-Doleh, was head of the government, [and] was the prime minister.
Mo’tamen-ol-Molk – the younger brother – was heading the Majlis.
The head of government – the prime minister – asked for a time from the Majlis to go there and submit a report;
[he was supposed] to deliver a speech at, for example, eight o’clock in the morning. It was eight o’clock, but Moshir-od-Doleh did not arrive;
Mo’tamen-ol-Molk looked at his watch, [and] saw that it was five minutes after eight; he said, “Don’t let the prime minister [into the Majlis] anymore;
do not let the prime minister to come in;” Moshir-od-Doleh reached the Majlis [premises] five minutes later, [but] they did not let him in! It is like this.
The prime minister was behind the schedule by five minutes,
[and] the Majlis speaker, who was his brother – and was also the younger brother – did not let him in;
this is the meaning of the power of the Majlis, [and] this is the awesomeness of the Majlis; you must protect this.
This is in your own hands and you can do this.
One of the things that the Majlis can provide and guarantee in the real sense of the word
is supervision of the Majlis over itself; I said this in the eighth [term of the] Majlis.
The Majlis [must] supervise itself. After all, the Majlis is made up of a number of human beings;
we humans, all of us, are prone to [making] mistake; that is, this is no joke,
it is not special to [being] older and younger, [and] it has nothing to do with [being] old and young, [because] we are all prone to [making] mistake and prone to error.
Who must prevent this error [from taking place]? The Majlis itself.
All kinds of errors are imaginable; if the Majlis enforces its supervision, prevented an error by a lawmaker
and that lawmaker could maintain his cleanliness and purity in the course of these few years, then he would have something to say;
[and] then if he saw a problem at any place, he would be able to express it; this [point] must be observed by the Majlis.
I ask you not to underestimate the issue of self-supervision, [and] supervision over itself at the Majlis. Keep this [supervision].
Well, one issue is about the law. Making law is your main mission,
but law(s) can be passed and approved in two ways: good and bad;
it is possible to pass good laws, [and] it is [also] possible to pass bad laws.
And being bad or good does not merely depend on whether a law is good or a law is bad; no,
sometimes you pass a good law, but under this [existing] condition, it is bad;
why? Because care has not been taken when passing this law,
its harmony with other laws has not been observed, [and] the necessity of transparency in law has not been observed [either].
Firstly, law must be of [high] quality; increasing [the quantity] of law(s), [and] high number of law(s) is not very desirable;
[because,] the law must have quality. Now, this point, which Dr. Larijani mentioned here
about existence of different specialties [among lawmakers] really makes me happy; thank God!
Presence of these specialists as well as expert, informed and wise people in the Majlis is very valuable for this purpose.
Pay attention that firstly, the law [must] be well-founded, [and] the law must be founded well;
that is, the reasons behind passing of this law must be such that anybody who looks at it would see that yes, this law is a well-founded law.
[The law must] be [also] overarching; an approach based on [trivial] details and without [due] attention to various aspects [of an issue], will render the law useless.
[The law must] be clear; it should not need frequent amendments one after the other,
[so that] inquiries [about various aspects of the law] be regularly sent to the Majlis; when a law is not clear, when it is not overarching,
inquiries [about that law] are regularly sent [to the Majlis], asking whether you meant this or that;
sometimes the answer that the Majlis gives to [such] inquiry, is the opposite point of the subject of the law;
well, this law is not a good law.
I mean, the subject of a law may be good, but it is not [the result of] good lawmaking, [and is the result of] bad lawmaking.
Therefore, [any] law must have quality.
Conflict of laws [is also an] important [issue]; one of the problems facing us is the issue of the accumulation of law;
we have too many laws on different issues! Now, Dr. Larijani pointed out the issue of spatial planning;
[the need for] spatial planning was raised in the cabinet when I was the president; in the time of my presidency,
and now 30 years [or] thirty-odd years have passed since that time,
the issue of [spatial] planning was raised in the government
– which we also discussed the term “amayesh (which is used to mean planning in this case)” [to see] whether this term is Persian, what it is , what its root are –
and [it was decided to] follow up on this issue; [and] it has been followed up under all administrations, [but] it has not been put [into action] thus far.
Well, now we have passed a law [in this regard], [and] there is a law for spatial planning;
now [it would be meaningless for] you [to] come and add some more laws to it!
Shortcuts must be taken. Now assume that
as a result of the spatial planning and familiarity with talents and capacities of [various] provinces or regions,
you want to take advantage of potentialities of various provinces and regions of the country;
very well, now [if] this is not possible, there is another way besides this.
Well, it is true that scientific planning, for example, has not taken place with regard to Khorasan province,
but its governor general and [other] local officials there
know things about potentialities of that province, which that person, who is seated in the capital city does not know; this is per se an opportunity;
take advantage of these ways; therefore, I want to say that accumulation of law(s)
and increasing the quantity of law(s) is not a positive point; the most important [point] is that law must have [high] quality; [and must] be comprehensive.
Prevent [passing] laws which provide the ground for corruption; that is, you must be very careful [when passing laws].
One of those things, which now this is not special to our Majlis – of course, it has sometimes taken place in our Majlis;
I remember [this happening] a couple of times in these [recent] years – but is usual in [other] parliaments of the world,
[is that] a law is passed and it is then revoked [for example] ten days later; during these ten days, certain people obtain billions [in profits]!
[This is] a law which leads to corruption. That is, this law is such that it presumably bans sale of something,
[or] bans import of something or issuance of something, [and] that person who must take advantage,
takes advantage of this ban, [and] then ten years later the ban is removed and some people obtain billions [in profits] overnight.
This law leads to corruption. Such laws do exist; take care that the law, which is passed, would be anti-corruption.
One issue about the law is that we [must] give priority to national expediencies over regional issues.
Of course, you, who come from different regions of the country, well, people have expectations from you and have demands;
[people’s] demands are not totally acceptable, they are to some extent acceptable,
but if they now think that since you have come from there, their road, their water [supply], their electricity [supply],
their state budget, [and] all things [related to their region] would be solved, no, well this is not possible.
You certainly consider yourself obligated to pay some attention to demands and expectations of people in your region.
Well, to some extent, this is not a problem, but as long as it is not at odds with national expediencies;
sometimes [it is in conflict] with national expediencies; assume that in that given province, they insist on building an airport
– well, airport is among costly things; [and] among costly issues and costly infrastructure one is [construction of an] airport –
[and] assume [people in your region think they] need an airport. [However, when] you look, you see that well, this airport is not really needed for this place;
yes, it is a privilege for there, but well, in its neighborhood, in this side, [or] on that side, there are adjacent airports.
For example, [you want to] spend the country’s money, the country’s potentialities, [and] the country’s opportunities on something, which is not a priority!
Here, you [must] prefer this national expediency on that issue and regional and local expediency.
Therefore, I do not say that you must be totally indifferent to regional demands, well, this is not possible,
but where it is at odds with a national expediency, you must certainly take into account [that] national expediency in lawmaking.
Another point that I want to say about the law is that take advantage of experts.
One of the important sectors of whose expert capacity you can take advantage is the body of the administration.
The administration has good experts in various sectors.
Make sure that the expert body of the administration – now either the [State Budget and] Planning Organization, or other places – is taken advantage of in various sectors;
but this is not special to them; outside the administration you see,
which now I will briefly explain
– there are people who are not part of the administration, are at the university, are teaching, or are economists; [and] they are also experts.
Make sure that the expert body of the administration is taken advantage of for making decisions.
Also try [laws that your pass] be in conformity with macro [policy] documents and the [general] policies, which are proclaimed.
Now, for example, the Sixth [Economic Development] Plan bill is on your agenda; [and] it is very important; let me tell [you] this.
The sixth [development] plan is extraordinarily important; no oversight and negligence and dawdling is permissible with regard to this plan;
I mean you must really finish [formulation of] the plan in a complete and good and accurate manner. Well, conditions [in the country] are special conditions;
both in economic terms, and in political terms, the country is currently facing special conditions
and the plan, which you make for five years, must be in the real sense of the word a complete plan.
Well, naturally, when this plan is formulated, this will become part of the macro [policy] documents;
[therefore,] the law, which you want to pass, must conform to this pan and [other] plans, for example, assume [the general policies of] Article 44 [of the Constitution] and the likes of these.
Well, now this is in the field of lawmaking, which you now, God willing, would pay attention to this point.
Of course, well, I see that some friends write in newspapers and the likes of these that yes, a large number of those
who have entered the Majlis have no record [in parliamentary work] and do not know the Majlis;
in my opinion, this is not a threat, but an opportunity; basically, elections and
changes [in people occupying posts] are, per se, an opportunity. [The fact] that new people,
who have not got used to the Majlis, enter the arena [where] there is a group [of lawmakers] from the past [terms], who [can] transfer their experiences to these [newcomers] –
namely, this combination of the old and new lawmakers– in all assemblies is a good thing, [and] this is an opportunity;
take as much advantage of this opportunity as you can with vibrancy and interest and [in a] good [way], by taking advantage of experiences that others have.
This is about issues related to the law, which in my opinion are more important than anything [else].
With regard to the issue of economy, look dear brethren, [and] dear sisters!
The issue of economy is really a major issue in our country; not [only] today,
well I have been regularly putting emphasis on the issue of economy for [the past] five [or] six years.
Five [or] six years before now, I said in my new year’s speech – [on the occasion of the Iranian] Eid – that we are being threatened
from two sides and one [threat] – which was perhaps more important [than the other] – was from the economy. This is the reality;
at that time, sanctions did not exist and had not been imposed [on Iran].
The enemy has been using economy as a tool against us,
[and] perhaps we acted somehow naïve and showed that we are very scared and upset about [the enemy using] this tool;
[therefore,] it [the enemy] has been further emboldened and found its way. At any rate, the issue of economy is a very important issue;
we must solve the issue of the country’s economy.
Of course, execution [of laws] is for the administration to do; it is the administration, which must work in the [economic] arena and in the middle of [the economic] arena,
but you can help a lot in this regard. The important stress must be on the issue of stagnation,
[and on] the issue of domestic production; [because] domestic production is very important. A few days ago, I said in a speech
that any step that the administration takes in the field of economic issues,
must be clear for us as to where it fits within [framework of] the Economy of Resistance.
The Economy of Resistance is like a puzzle made up of many squares;
any step that we take must be clear which part of this puzzle is filled.
[Once,] the administration was going to make a deal, [but before doing it] my office called them and asked that concerned official
that well, in which part of the Economy of Resistance this [deal] fitd. They must expound, [and] must explain where in the Economy of Resistance does this [deal] fit;
[because] it must not be against the Economy of Resistance, nor be neutral; not simply being against [the Economy of Resistance is not the sole consideration].
Therefore, the issue of domestic production is very important; [and this is why] finding a solution to stagnation is very important [as well].
The issue of employment, which is dependent on this issue of domestic production and the likes of this, is [also] very important.
Everybody keeps saying continuously, the administration [official] says, the Majlis lawmaker says, [and] the freelance economist [writing] for [that given] newspaper says
that a certain percentage of [our] factories are not working or are, for example, operating at less than half of their capacity.
Well, what will happen after all? After all, these [factories] must start to operate, must [start to] work,
[because] if they work, [then] [new] jobs will be created. This shame and chagrin of the [Islamic] establishment
over unemployment of the youth, is more than that young man’s shamefacedness within his house; you must know this.
I myself [feel ashamed] when I think about this jobless young person. Unemployment rate is high in some cities.
Of course, we set a specific figure for the rate or the so-called percentage of unemployment; now, twelve percent or ten percent
– this [rate] which is now being said – but this is [only an] average [figure]. One feels ashamed when he sees this;
I mean, the shamefulness of this humble one after observing these statistics and studying this fact,
is no less than shamefulness of that young person who is jobless and goes to his home with his hands empty, [and] is even more; we must put an end to this [situation].
The issue of [goods] smuggling, which they pointed out and I have also frequently pointed out, is very serious;
I mean, smuggling is really a dagger in the back of the [Islamic] establishment.
A group of people, trample on the country’s interests for the sake of their own personal interests through smuggling; this [phenomenon] must be fought against, [and] must be countered.
Of course, it is obvious that this confrontation is not easy, because those people,
who earn billions through smuggling, do not give up so easily. [They] must be countered;
[and] of course, the administration must do this encounter, but the Majlis is backer of this encounter by the administration;
it is you, who must want, must make decision, [and] must make plan.
This [will suffice] about issues related to economy.
The next issue is the issue of culture.
Of course, culture, in the long term, is much more important than economy;
economy is our emergency issue and current priority;
[but] the issue of culture is a continuous and very important issue;
it is important even in the issue of economy. Dear brethren, [and] dear sisters! With regard to culture, I think there exists some sort of dereliction;
in cultural organs – including state and non-state organs – there is some sort of dereliction and indifference toward the issue of culture,
both with regard to production of useful cultural commodity, which we are dawdling,
and in preventing production of harmful cultural commodity, which we [once again] dawdle.
The importance of cultural commodity is no less than consumer physical commodity, [and] is even more.
Assume that they keep repeating that, for example, a certain type of Doritos is harmful, [so] don’t eat it;
now, how harmful can it [really] be, what kind of harm is it, what degree of harm [does it cause], [and] for what percentage of people is it harmful?
They keep saying this, but nobody dares to talk about the harm [done by] that [given] type of film or that type of book or that type of computer game or the likes
of this, lest they might be accused that they are
preventing freedom of information and free flow of information.
Those people who are basis of such claims, they are stricter than us with regard to such issues; believe this.
Now, the freest regions of the world in terms of information [flow], for example, assume that are Western governments, including America;
accurate and clear reports that come from America with regard to controlling personal information
and focusing on those things to which the [ruling] system is sensitive,
make one really amazed. We do not have and enforce information control [even] one-tenth of them.
As soon as a movie is banned [here], or assume that a computer current, for example, is limited or banned,
they immediately raise Cain, [and] we believe that; we believe that we have really done something wrong.
No sir, care must be taken! Our duty is to produce useful cultural commodity and prevent [production of] harmful cultural commodity.
I feel [existence] of some sort of dereliction in this field;
you must take this into consideration and attach importance [to it].
[Now I will explain] about policies. Well, you, who are [members of] the Islamic Consultative Assembly, are a revolutionary institution;
the Islamic Consultative Assembly is a revolutionary institution stemming from the [Islamic] Revolution;
[therefore,] you must act [in a] revolutionary [manner], you must be and remain revolutionary.
Of course, being revolutionary has [many] shapes, [and] has [different] forms;
[in my speech] the day before yesterday at the mausoleum of [the late] Imam [Khomeini], I talked a little in these fields; if you were [there] or if you listened or if you heard [that speech, you would know].
After all, revolution has some rules, [and] has fundaments. At any rate, you act [in a] revolutionary [manner] in lawmaking,
[and] act [in a] revolutionary [manner] when taking positions;
positions taken are also of two types: one type is the personal positions that you take, which show themselves in your speeches,
[and] one [type] is positions taken in public. From this viewpoint, fairly speaking, the ninth [term of] the Majlis had a good record.
In order to confront and counter opposition political currents [which are active] against the revolution,
position must be taken, [and firm] stance must be taken. You see, for example assume that now the U.S. Congress
– the behavior of the American government which is definitely totally hostile toward us; that is, this [point] which I say is not out of prejudice,
nor out of guess and supposition, [but] I say it based on clear and accurate information;
the treatment of the Islamic Republic by government of America is strongly hostile
– [but the Congress] is now protesting to the American government that you are being tolerant toward Iran;
[and] they keep adopting resolution(s) against Iran and talk and do everything [against us]. Well, who must give an answer to them?
Who must face them in the arena? Who must shut their mouths?
In the political field, the enemy counts on reactions.
If he said something and you remained silent, it would count one way;
if you remained silent and dropped your head down, it would count another way;
if you remained silent and dropped your head down and did not even murmur to yourself,
it would [again] count another way;[however,] if you held your head high and gave an answer, [the enemy] would count in a different way.
If the enemy feels that you are passive, [and] are given to retreat, it will not let it go.
Basically [speaking], there is no “let it go” in the world of politics, [because] they continue to raise excessive demands;
with regard to various issues, and now, this issue of the nuclear negotiations is the latest example; you see after all!
They keep raising demand(s), [raise] excessive demand(s), [and] threaten [Iran].
The same remarks, which they made at that time about Iran’s nuclear activity and [uranium] enrichment and 20-percent [enrichment] and the likes of these
that [the option] of war is on the table and such remarks – which they said time and time again – now they keep repeating the same remarks again;
both their government officials are repeating, and their lawmakers are repeating, and [even] their future presidential candidates are repeating;
these two [or] three candidates, who are still campaigning and have remained [in the election scene], these [candidates] even repeat that
‘if we are elected, [we will] do this, [and] do that!
A point to which you [must] pay attention [is this]: look, we have fault lines inside the country;
we have ethnic fault lines, we have ideological fault lines, [and] for example, you assume,
we have Sunni and Shia, [and] we have factional fault lines – these [various political] factions which exist and you see.
As long as these fault lines have not been activated, there would be no earthquake, [and] there is no problem.
[The mere] existence of differences is no problem. [However,] if these fault lines are activated, then there will be an earthquake;
[this is why] the enemy is trying to activate these fault lines; be careful.
They keep fanning the flames of differences in order to make [those flames] hotter and more blazing;
try not to let this happen. You [can] have your own conviction;
one [person] is [taking sides with] faction “A,” one person is [taking sides with] faction “B,” [and] another person belongs to that given faction, well, let them be, there is no problem [with that].
However, if this [situation leads] to brawl and verbal fight,
(and) verbal fight sometimes leads to manual fight
– [as the saying goes:] “verily [any] war first begins with words;”
[and] all wars often begin with words – [this would be a problem].
Well, take care that the enemy would not activate these fault lines. This is one of the important points.
There is no problem that in the Majlis [and] with regard to any given political issue, you vote in accordance with your own political viewpoint and insight,
[and for] another [lawmaker] to vote in accordance with his own policy; but do not let this lead to fighting, [and] lead to [serious] difference.
I believe in exactly the same thing between the administration and non-administration [organs];
including [between] the administration and the Majlis, [and between] the administration and people. It is possible for people not to accept the policies of an administration
– either most of its policies, or all of its policies, or some of its policies – [and] there is no problem with this.
Who is without opponent? Who is without opposition and critic?
All of us have opponents, opposition, [and] critics; [and] there is no problem [with that].
The problem is where this opposition leads to fighting each other;
be careful not to allow this to happen in the Majlis: if there is chaos in the Majlis
– as we had this in some terms of the Majlis, when there was chaos in the Majlis – this chaos will spill over into the nation,
[and] will create turmoil among people, even if from psychological viewpoint.
If [on the other hand,] there is tranquility in the Majlis, this tranquility will spill over into people and this tranquility is very important;
[as put by the Quran:] “It is He who sent down tranquility into the hearts of the believers that they would increase in faith along with their [present] faith.”
This is the property of tranquility; tranquility is the same as peace, spiritual peace, [and] absence of turmoil [in the society].
This will cause “that they would increase in faith along with their [present] faith.” It allows one to increase his faith;
this is a very important and significant thing.
Well, at the level of the world’s public opinion, the enemy tries to level accusations against the Islamic Iran;
at our domestic level, [it] tries to activate fault lines; at the regional level – this West Asia region –
the enemy’s effort is aimed at promoting its sensitive and important plans for this sensitive region
and defuse the obstacle – which is the Islamic Iran, which prevents realization of its plans-; this is what the enemy is trying to do.
These [enemies] have a plan for Iraq, have a plan for Syria,
have a plan for Palestine, [and] have a plan for Lebanon; [and] they have clear-cut plans.
Once they gave [those plans] away by mentioning the name of the “New Middle East,” and the “Greater Middle East;”
that lady who was in charge of their foreign policy, [said this] in those years. They made a mistake [by saying this], [but] they said it.
This [region] which they call the “Middle East” – and this designation is a wrong designation
and totally arises from the Western [way of] thinking and idea and arrogant mind,
namely, everything which is close to the West and is close to Europe, the name of this [region] is the Near East;
everything that is far [from the West], is the Far East; [and] everything that is in-between, is the Middle East; that is, Europe is the norm,
now Asia with this great size is not the norm
– and now, they have called [this region] in their own term as the “Greater Middle East” and the “New Middle East,”
they have a plan for this region. The reason is that this region is very sensitive from various viewpoints;
The reason is that this region is very sensitive from various viewpoints; from the viewpoint of the existence of Muslims
[and] existence of Islam, from the viewpoint of the existence of the Zionist regime [of Israel], from the viewpoint of the existence of huge oil reserves here,
from the viewpoint of the existence of the world’s important waterways here
– the Strait of Hormoz is here, the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb is here, [and] a number of important straits are in this region;
these straits are very important in the world, are very important in terms of political geography, [and] are very important in strategic terms
– [and this is why] they are sensitive about this region, have a plan [for this region],
[and] have plot(s) [in mind]; [and] they want to follow up on their plots without any obstacle and without any trouble.
Now, the Islamic Republic has entered and blocked their plots; they wanted to devour Iraq;
[but] the Islamic Republic did not allow [this to happen]. These [Western states] are angry about this, [because] their plots have been foiled;
these [Western states] wanted to devour Iraq. Iraq is a very rich country; do you know this? Iraq is very rich;
these [Western states] wanted to devour Iraq and through domination over Iraq, pose permanent threat to Iran, just in the same way
that they wanted to threaten [Iran] in another way from the east; this was their goal. [However,] the policies of the Islamic Republic prevented [this] and did not allow this [to happen].
Well, these [enemies] are bent on removing this obstacle; a case similar to this is [taking place] in Syria; a case similar to this is [taking place] in Palestine;
these are [their] policies; [and you must] stand against these policies. Disclose the [true] face of the Arrogance;
disclose those facts about the Arrogance and the arrogant system, which are available or will be made available to you;
say [these facts]; [and] create the [necessary] atmosphere [both] in your speeches, [and] in your public positions.
And be careful [that] what you say and what you do would not help [achievement] of America’s goals.
Sometimes, we have had [certain] cases in the past when a Majlis deputy has said something and his remark
has been one hundred percent at the service of the Zionist regime’s goals. I mean, one hundred percent, not [even] ninety percent!
[It was] as if they had exactly dictated their remarks to him and he reflected them here.
We have had such cases, of course, rarely; [however,] be careful that such things would not happen [again].
Well, [our meeting] has taken too long; I am not usually used to talking a lot in this meeting [with lawmakers].
God willing, the Almighty would make you successful and help you. I pray for you;
as Mr. Dr. Larijani [Iran's parliament speaker] told me to pray, I really pray for you excellencies,
brethren and sisters; [I ask] you [to] pray for me as well, so that, God willing, I would be able
to cope with this burden, which has been put on my shoulder(s), a heavy burden that is not an easy one.
O Almighty! [I swear you] by Mohammad and Mohammad’s Household [to] provide grounds for your satisfaction with us;
help us succeed to earn your satisfaction;
make the [sacred] soul of [Hadhrat] Vali Asr [Imam Zaman] (PBUH) satisfied and content with us;
resurrect our dear martyrs with Prophet [Mohammad] (PBUH).
Peace be unto you and so may the mercy of Allah and His blessings