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In the Name of God, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful

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والحمدلله ربّ العالمين

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و الصّلاة و السّلام علي سيّدنا و نبيّنا ابي‌القاسم المصطفي محمّد

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و علي آله الاطيبين الاطهرين المنتجبين سيّما بقيّةالله في الارضين

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You are very welcome dear brethren and sisters, who God willing, would play a determining role in the progress of the country

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and are constituent components of one of the biggest pillars of the country and the [Islamic] Revolution.

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I congratulate all of you for having achieved this success

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and, thank God, the Almighty God helped you be in this lofty position.

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Let me say a sentence first. Well, it is the last days of the [lunar] month of Sha’ban and [we are] close to the month of Ramadan.

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Let’s orientate our hearts toward divine contentment and divine responsibility [that we shoulder].

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I tell you this: dear brethren and sisters! Appreciate this position

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and know that it is very ephemeral; that is, as soon as you blink your eyes, [these] four years [of your term in parliament] are gone.

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It is like our life after all; our life is also like this; when one looks behind him [at the end of his life] it seems that this period [of life] has gone by like lightening

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and pleasant times, hardships, bitter moments, sweet moments, pleasures, [and] sufferings are over.

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If during this long period – now as for the likes of this humble one, for example assume [this] 70-80-year [period] –

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one has been able to leave behind a point,

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which he could reckon on before the Almighty God and have hope in, well, so much the better;

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however, if in this long period, we have done nothing which could be defended before the Almighty God –

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[because] humans are used to calculate after all – the life would be [mere] loss;

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[it would be] tantamount to [what the Quran says:]: “mankind is in loss, except for those who have believed [in God] and done righteous deeds;” [therefore, the most important thing is] faith and righteous deed.

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If this righteous deed and this faith existed in this period that has passed from our life,

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well yes, it would not be a loss; [and] it would be as much benefit [for us]; [but] if God forbid, this is not the case

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or when one calculates, sees [what he has done] is open to doubt and dispute,

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then the situation would be very difficult for that person; very [difficult].

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In the honorable prayer, Abi Hamza, Hadhrat [Ali (PBUH)] asks the Almighty God:

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“O Almighty! Have mercy on me when my argument does not suffice anymore, and my tongue is not able to answer you,

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“O Almighty! Have mercy on me when my argument does not suffice anymore, and my tongue is not able to answer you,

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and my brain stops working when you are questioning me.”

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[He says to God:] when you are asking me a question, I have no answer to give you

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– [this is because] they investigate human deeds; [and] a person must be able to answer after all –

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[this is why Imam Ali (PBUH) says:] “my tongue is tied [and] I cannot answer you;”

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and my argument reaches its end –

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humans have certain arguments for themselves after all [and for example, they say:] “I did this for this [reason], [or] for that reason;”

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then [when] they want to answer [questions] on every one of these [deeds] they run out of argument.

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[Imam Ali (PBUH) then says:] “And my brain, my heart, [and] my soul

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will be baffled and bewildered in the face of these consecutive questions that will be asked of me;

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this is what happens [to all humans]. I have experienced this myself, [and] this is my experience. Now, [at first] I did not want [to say this];

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then it occurred to me, [and] rolled off my tongue, [and] I say it.

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In the [Iranian calendar] year 1360 (1981-82), when that specific incident happened to me at the Abuzar Mosque [in downtown Tehran], well, I lost consciousness.

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Then they had picked me up and when they were taking me out of the mosque toward the car,

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I regained [my] consciousness two times [or] three times and again I lost consciousness until I was totally unconscious.

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In those two [or] three times that I came to, once I felt that this was the last moment [of my life];

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that is, I totally felt that it is the moment of death.

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All of a sudden, my entire life flashed before my eye.

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I thought to myself that “well, now, what do I have to offer?”

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The more I thought, [the more] I saw that all [I had done] was open to dispute.

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Well, I [had] fought [against the previous regime], was sent to jail, was beaten, [and] I [also] taught, [and] I took [many] difficulties – these are those things that occur to one’s mind after all –

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[but] at that moment, I saw that all of these [deeds] could be disputed with me;

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[they could say:] “in that given case, a non-divine intention may have been mixed with this intention of yours;” [well, as if I have done] nothing; everything is lost!

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I Suddenly felt like I was suspended between the Earth and the sky,

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like a person who has no handle to latch onto.

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I said, “O Almighty! This is my situation, [which] you see after all, [and] I apparently don’t have anything [to offer];

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the more I calculate, [the more] I see my hands are empty, [and there is no choice,] unless you have mercy [on me] one way or another.

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This state befalls one. [Therefore,] let’s take advantage of these opportunities.

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You have been offered with a good opportunity; four years at the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis), a place where management of the country and lawmaking is done there.

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The importance of this lawmaking is very high; this is really, as I have frequently said before, is to lay the track [for the administration].

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You firstly lay the track for the administration’s movement,

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[and] then with the powers invested in you by the Constitution – among which is to carry out investigation and probe as has been stipulated by the Constitution –

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you can guarantee that this movement will take place.

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It is not merely [limited to giving] recommendation [to the administration]; according to the law, you can follow up [on many issues], investigate, [and] probe;

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[and] this is by no means at odds with cooperation with the administration. This is what I I personally believe and it has always been my opinion with regard to all administrations

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that the Majlis (parliament) must cooperate with the administration, but this cooperation does not mean to compromise on the Majlis’ rights.

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You must enforce your right, investigate, probe, [and] take [executive officials] to task as to why [some step] has not been taken, has not been taken properly, [or] has been taken in a different way.

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This is a very important opportunity; appreciate this [opportunity].

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In early [years of the] revolution, when there were talks about electing the president

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and various candidates were constantly introduced, I and another one of my friends, left Tehran to meet with the Imam in [the city of] Qom

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– at that time he [Imam Khomeini] was [living] in Qom – [and] it was in an unsuitable [and] hard time, [when] he was inside [his domicile], [but] we insisted that we should meet with the Imam at any cost.

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Since Imam had said that men of cloth should not be introduced, [and should] not be nominated for presidency;

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we were there to talk to the Imam, [and] argue [with him] to say “no, you remove this ban so that we nominate Mr. [Mohammad Hosseini] Beheshti [for presidency];

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we believed that Martyr Beheshti (May God’s Mercy Be upon Him) was the best of all;

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we had gone there to argue with him over this issue. We talked and listened for a while and he told us things and we said things;

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then he told us, “You go [back to Tehran] and take care of the Majlis; go after the Majlis;” at that time, Majlis elections had not been [held] yet;

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he told us to take care of the Majlis, [because] the Majlis is important. His recommendation to us – to me and those friends [who were with me] – was [this]; that is,

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“do not put [too much] emphasis on the issue of the administration;” [because] in his opinion, the Majlis was more important than the administration and the executive branch.

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Well, now ask God [for help]; really ask [God] for help! The [fasting] month of Ramadan is ahead;

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fasting is an opportunity, praying is an opportunity, staying awake at nights is an opportunity,

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[and] the nocturnal prayers, which the faithful should naturally manage to say more in these nights, is an opportunity;

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[so,] pray, supplicate [before God] and ask God to make you successful to, God willing, pull off this big task.

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Well, I offer a few points. One [point] is about the main duty of the Majlis and importance of the Majlis;

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one [point] is about the issue of the law; one [point] is especially related to the field of economy;

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one [point] is especially related to the field of culture; [and] one [point] is about the general policies and foreign policy issues and the likes of these.

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God willing, I would say a few sentences in this regard.

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According to the constitution, you have been obligated to defend the achievements of the [Islamic] Revolution and the fundaments of Islam; this was in your oath [of office].

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I said in my message to you that this oath is a real oath;

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that is, if this oath is broken, it would have atonement.

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You have taken an oath to protect the fundaments of Islam and the achievements of the revolution. Well, this is an important thing.

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When this would be possible? When the Majlis would be really on top of all [the country’s] affairs; [and] it is up to you to realize this [goal].

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“Majlis on top of [all] affairs” is not a pleasantry, which we would use it as a pleasantry; no, the Majlis must be really on top of [all the country’s] affairs.

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I mean, it must make decision and that decision must be carried out.

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Of course, let me tell you that under various administrations

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– both this incumbent administration, [and] the former administration, [and all] previous administrations; all of them after the demise of the Imam

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and when Imam was alive, under my own administration – it happened at some places that we were caught in some bottlenecks

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and [even] now administrations are caught [in such bottlenecks], [in] which they take advantage of the Leader’s powers; this [situation also] exists.

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However, [even] in those [cases] I frequently tried to be careful that as far as it was possible, no harm would be done to the Majlis’ decision.

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Official form one of the previous administrations had come [to me] asking for something, which was quite the opposite of the budget law of that year;

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at that time, there was no [development] plan [law], [but] there was the budget law.

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Despite all the insistence they made, I did not accept [their request]; although they had problems [to deal with], I said,

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“We have a Majlis where [lawmakers] have made a decision and [they] have passed the budget law despite all this difficulty,

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[and] now you [want to] come [here] and turn the entire law upside down with a single word; this is not possible.

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The Majlis should be put on top of the [country’s] affairs.

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Respect for the Majlis, dignity of the Majlis, [and] awesomeness of the Majlis must remain unmolested.

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Once, I told – I think either [current Majlis speaker] Mr. [Ali Larijani] or [another] one of [previous] Majlis speakers

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– that it was like this since the outset of the Constitutionalism up to when Reza Khan came to power.

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When Reza Khan came [to power], the Majlis and law and lawmaking and the likes of these all vanished into thin air;

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however, before the rise of Reza Khan – which well, there was lawmaking and the Majlis and the [National] Consultative Assembly, not to mention that the Constitutionalism was still nascent;

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it was apparently in the second or third term of the Majlis; anyway, before Reza Khan rose to power – the Majlis speaker was Mo’tamen-ol-Molk,

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who was among reputable dignitaries of the Qajar era. The brother of Mo’tamen-ol-Molk was Moshir-od-Doleh, who was the prime minister.

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He also happened to be among reputable dignitaries [of that time]; that is, these two brothers are among relatively reputable dignitaries of the Qajar era and the first Pahlavi [monarch].

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So, the older brother, who was Moshir-od-Doleh, was head of the government, [and] was the prime minister.

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Mo’tamen-ol-Molk – the younger brother – was heading the Majlis.

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The head of government – the prime minister – asked for a time from the Majlis to go there and submit a report;

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[he was supposed] to deliver a speech at, for example, eight o’clock in the morning. It was eight o’clock, but Moshir-od-Doleh did not arrive;

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Mo’tamen-ol-Molk looked at his watch, [and] saw that it was five minutes after eight; he said, “Don’t let the prime minister [into the Majlis] anymore;

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do not let the prime minister to come in;” Moshir-od-Doleh reached the Majlis [premises] five minutes later, [but] they did not let him in! It is like this.

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The prime minister was behind the schedule by five minutes,

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[and] the Majlis speaker, who was his brother – and was also the younger brother – did not let him in;

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this is the meaning of the power of the Majlis, [and] this is the awesomeness of the Majlis; you must protect this.

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This is in your own hands and you can do this.

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One of the things that the Majlis can provide and guarantee in the real sense of the word

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is supervision of the Majlis over itself; I said this in the eighth [term of the] Majlis.

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The Majlis [must] supervise itself. After all, the Majlis is made up of a number of human beings;

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we humans, all of us, are prone to [making] mistake; that is, this is no joke,

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it is not special to [being] older and younger, [and] it has nothing to do with [being] old and young, [because] we are all prone to [making] mistake and prone to error.

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Who must prevent this error [from taking place]? The Majlis itself.

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All kinds of errors are imaginable; if the Majlis enforces its supervision, prevented an error by a lawmaker

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and that lawmaker could maintain his cleanliness and purity in the course of these few years, then he would have something to say;

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[and] then if he saw a problem at any place, he would be able to express it; this [point] must be observed by the Majlis.

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I ask you not to underestimate the issue of self-supervision, [and] supervision over itself at the Majlis. Keep this [supervision].

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Well, one issue is about the law. Making law is your main mission,

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but law(s) can be passed and approved in two ways: good and bad;

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it is possible to pass good laws, [and] it is [also] possible to pass bad laws.

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And being bad or good does not merely depend on whether a law is good or a law is bad; no,

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sometimes you pass a good law, but under this [existing] condition, it is bad;

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why? Because care has not been taken when passing this law,

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its harmony with other laws has not been observed, [and] the necessity of transparency in law has not been observed [either].

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Firstly, law must be of [high] quality; increasing [the quantity] of law(s), [and] high number of law(s) is not very desirable;

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[because,] the law must have quality. Now, this point, which Dr. Larijani mentioned here

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about existence of different specialties [among lawmakers] really makes me happy; thank God!

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Presence of these specialists as well as expert, informed and wise people in the Majlis is very valuable for this purpose.

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Pay attention that firstly, the law [must] be well-founded, [and] the law must be founded well;

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that is, the reasons behind passing of this law must be such that anybody who looks at it would see that yes, this law is a well-founded law.

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[The law must] be [also] overarching; an approach based on [trivial] details and without [due] attention to various aspects [of an issue], will render the law useless.

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[The law must] be clear; it should not need frequent amendments one after the other,

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[so that] inquiries [about various aspects of the law] be regularly sent to the Majlis; when a law is not clear, when it is not overarching,

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inquiries [about that law] are regularly sent [to the Majlis], asking whether you meant this or that;

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sometimes the answer that the Majlis gives to [such] inquiry, is the opposite point of the subject of the law;

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well, this law is not a good law.

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I mean, the subject of a law may be good, but it is not [the result of] good lawmaking, [and is the result of] bad lawmaking.

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Therefore, [any] law must have quality.

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Conflict of laws [is also an] important [issue]; one of the problems facing us is the issue of the accumulation of law;

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we have too many laws on different issues! Now, Dr. Larijani pointed out the issue of spatial planning;

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[the need for] spatial planning was raised in the cabinet when I was the president; in the time of my presidency,

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and now 30 years [or] thirty-odd years have passed since that time,

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the issue of [spatial] planning was raised in the government

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– which we also discussed the term “amayesh (which is used to mean planning in this case)” [to see] whether this term is Persian, what it is , what its root are –

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and [it was decided to] follow up on this issue; [and] it has been followed up under all administrations, [but] it has not been put [into action] thus far.

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Well, now we have passed a law [in this regard], [and] there is a law for spatial planning;

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now [it would be meaningless for] you [to] come and add some more laws to it!

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Shortcuts must be taken. Now assume that

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as a result of the spatial planning and familiarity with talents and capacities of [various] provinces or regions,

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you want to take advantage of potentialities of various provinces and regions of the country;

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very well, now [if] this is not possible, there is another way besides this.

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Well, it is true that scientific planning, for example, has not taken place with regard to Khorasan province,

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but its governor general and [other] local officials there

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know things about potentialities of that province, which that person, who is seated in the capital city does not know; this is per se an opportunity;

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take advantage of these ways; therefore, I want to say that accumulation of law(s)

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and increasing the quantity of law(s) is not a positive point; the most important [point] is that law must have [high] quality; [and must] be comprehensive.

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Prevent [passing] laws which provide the ground for corruption; that is, you must be very careful [when passing laws].

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One of those things, which now this is not special to our Majlis – of course, it has sometimes taken place in our Majlis;

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I remember [this happening] a couple of times in these [recent] years – but is usual in [other] parliaments of the world,

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[is that] a law is passed and it is then revoked [for example] ten days later; during these ten days, certain people obtain billions [in profits]!

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[This is] a law which leads to corruption. That is, this law is such that it presumably bans sale of something,

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[or] bans import of something or issuance of something, [and] that person who must take advantage,

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takes advantage of this ban, [and] then ten years later the ban is removed and some people obtain billions [in profits] overnight.

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This law leads to corruption. Such laws do exist; take care that the law, which is passed, would be anti-corruption.

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One issue about the law is that we [must] give priority to national expediencies over regional issues.

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Of course, you, who come from different regions of the country, well, people have expectations from you and have demands;

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[people’s] demands are not totally acceptable, they are to some extent acceptable,

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but if they now think that since you have come from there, their road, their water [supply], their electricity [supply],

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their state budget, [and] all things [related to their region] would be solved, no, well this is not possible.

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You certainly consider yourself obligated to pay some attention to demands and expectations of people in your region.

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Well, to some extent, this is not a problem, but as long as it is not at odds with national expediencies;

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sometimes [it is in conflict] with national expediencies; assume that in that given province, they insist on building an airport

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– well, airport is among costly things; [and] among costly issues and costly infrastructure one is [construction of an] airport –

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[and] assume [people in your region think they] need an airport. [However, when] you look, you see that well, this airport is not really needed for this place;

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yes, it is a privilege for there, but well, in its neighborhood, in this side, [or] on that side, there are adjacent airports.

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For example, [you want to] spend the country’s money, the country’s potentialities, [and] the country’s opportunities on something, which is not a priority!

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Here, you [must] prefer this national expediency on that issue and regional and local expediency.

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Therefore, I do not say that you must be totally indifferent to regional demands, well, this is not possible,

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but where it is at odds with a national expediency, you must certainly take into account [that] national expediency in lawmaking.

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Another point that I want to say about the law is that take advantage of experts.

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One of the important sectors of whose expert capacity you can take advantage is the body of the administration.

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The administration has good experts in various sectors.

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Make sure that the expert body of the administration – now either the [State Budget and] Planning Organization, or other places – is taken advantage of in various sectors;

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but this is not special to them; outside the administration you see,

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which now I will briefly explain

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– there are people who are not part of the administration, are at the university, are teaching, or are economists; [and] they are also experts.

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Make sure that the expert body of the administration is taken advantage of for making decisions.

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Also try [laws that your pass] be in conformity with macro [policy] documents and the [general] policies, which are proclaimed.

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Now, for example, the Sixth [Economic Development] Plan bill is on your agenda; [and] it is very important; let me tell [you] this.

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The sixth [development] plan is extraordinarily important; no oversight and negligence and dawdling is permissible with regard to this plan;

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I mean you must really finish [formulation of] the plan in a complete and good and accurate manner. Well, conditions [in the country] are special conditions;

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both in economic terms, and in political terms, the country is currently facing special conditions

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and the plan, which you make for five years, must be in the real sense of the word a complete plan.

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Well, naturally, when this plan is formulated, this will become part of the macro [policy] documents;

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[therefore,] the law, which you want to pass, must conform to this pan and [other] plans, for example, assume [the general policies of] Article 44 [of the Constitution] and the likes of these.

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Well, now this is in the field of lawmaking, which you now, God willing, would pay attention to this point.

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Of course, well, I see that some friends write in newspapers and the likes of these that yes, a large number of those

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who have entered the Majlis have no record [in parliamentary work] and do not know the Majlis;

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in my opinion, this is not a threat, but an opportunity; basically, elections and

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changes [in people occupying posts] are, per se, an opportunity. [The fact] that new people,

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who have not got used to the Majlis, enter the arena [where] there is a group [of lawmakers] from the past [terms], who [can] transfer their experiences to these [newcomers] –

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namely, this combination of the old and new lawmakers– in all assemblies is a good thing, [and] this is an opportunity;

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take as much advantage of this opportunity as you can with vibrancy and interest and [in a] good [way], by taking advantage of experiences that others have.

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This is about issues related to the law, which in my opinion are more important than anything [else].

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With regard to the issue of economy, look dear brethren, [and] dear sisters!

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The issue of economy is really a major issue in our country; not [only] today,

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well I have been regularly putting emphasis on the issue of economy for [the past] five [or] six years.

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Five [or] six years before now, I said in my new year’s speech – [on the occasion of the Iranian] Eid – that we are being threatened

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from two sides and one [threat] – which was perhaps more important [than the other] – was from the economy. This is the reality;

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at that time, sanctions did not exist and had not been imposed [on Iran].

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The enemy has been using economy as a tool against us,

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[and] perhaps we acted somehow naïve and showed that we are very scared and upset about [the enemy using] this tool;

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[therefore,] it [the enemy] has been further emboldened and found its way. At any rate, the issue of economy is a very important issue;

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we must solve the issue of the country’s economy.

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Of course, execution [of laws] is for the administration to do; it is the administration, which must work in the [economic] arena and in the middle of [the economic] arena,

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but you can help a lot in this regard. The important stress must be on the issue of stagnation,

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[and on] the issue of domestic production; [because] domestic production is very important. A few days ago, I said in a speech

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that any step that the administration takes in the field of economic issues,

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must be clear for us as to where it fits within [framework of] the Economy of Resistance.

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The Economy of Resistance is like a puzzle made up of many squares;

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any step that we take must be clear which part of this puzzle is filled.

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[Once,] the administration was going to make a deal, [but before doing it] my office called them and asked that concerned official

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that well, in which part of the Economy of Resistance this [deal] fitd. They must expound, [and] must explain where in the Economy of Resistance does this [deal] fit;

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[because] it must not be against the Economy of Resistance, nor be neutral; not simply being against [the Economy of Resistance is not the sole consideration].

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Therefore, the issue of domestic production is very important; [and this is why] finding a solution to stagnation is very important [as well].

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The issue of employment, which is dependent on this issue of domestic production and the likes of this, is [also] very important.

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Everybody keeps saying continuously, the administration [official] says, the Majlis lawmaker says, [and] the freelance economist [writing] for [that given] newspaper says

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that a certain percentage of [our] factories are not working or are, for example, operating at less than half of their capacity.

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Well, what will happen after all? After all, these [factories] must start to operate, must [start to] work,

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[because] if they work, [then] [new] jobs will be created. This shame and chagrin of the [Islamic] establishment

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over unemployment of the youth, is more than that young man’s shamefacedness within his house; you must know this.

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I myself [feel ashamed] when I think about this jobless young person. Unemployment rate is high in some cities.

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Of course, we set a specific figure for the rate or the so-called percentage of unemployment; now, twelve percent or ten percent

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– this [rate] which is now being said – but this is [only an] average [figure]. One feels ashamed when he sees this;

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I mean, the shamefulness of this humble one after observing these statistics and studying this fact,

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is no less than shamefulness of that young person who is jobless and goes to his home with his hands empty, [and] is even more; we must put an end to this [situation].

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The issue of [goods] smuggling, which they pointed out and I have also frequently pointed out, is very serious;

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I mean, smuggling is really a dagger in the back of the [Islamic] establishment.

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A group of people, trample on the country’s interests for the sake of their own personal interests through smuggling; this [phenomenon] must be fought against, [and] must be countered.

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Of course, it is obvious that this confrontation is not easy, because those people,

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who earn billions through smuggling, do not give up so easily. [They] must be countered;

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[and] of course, the administration must do this encounter, but the Majlis is backer of this encounter by the administration;

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it is you, who must want, must make decision, [and] must make plan.

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This [will suffice] about issues related to economy.

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The next issue is the issue of culture.

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Of course, culture, in the long term, is much more important than economy;

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economy is our emergency issue and current priority;

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[but] the issue of culture is a continuous and very important issue;

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it is important even in the issue of economy. Dear brethren, [and] dear sisters! With regard to culture, I think there exists some sort of dereliction;

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in cultural organs – including state and non-state organs – there is some sort of dereliction and indifference toward the issue of culture,

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both with regard to production of useful cultural commodity, which we are dawdling,

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and in preventing production of harmful cultural commodity, which we [once again] dawdle.

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The importance of cultural commodity is no less than consumer physical commodity, [and] is even more.

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Assume that they keep repeating that, for example, a certain type of Doritos is harmful, [so] don’t eat it;

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now, how harmful can it [really] be, what kind of harm is it, what degree of harm [does it cause], [and] for what percentage of people is it harmful?

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They keep saying this, but nobody dares to talk about the harm [done by] that [given] type of film or that type of book or that type of computer game or the likes

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of this, lest they might be accused that they are

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preventing freedom of information and free flow of information.

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Those people who are basis of such claims, they are stricter than us with regard to such issues; believe this.

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Now, the freest regions of the world in terms of information [flow], for example, assume that are Western governments, including America;

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accurate and clear reports that come from America with regard to controlling personal information

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and focusing on those things to which the [ruling] system is sensitive,

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make one really amazed. We do not have and enforce information control [even] one-tenth of them.

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As soon as a movie is banned [here], or assume that a computer current, for example, is limited or banned,

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they immediately raise Cain, [and] we believe that; we believe that we have really done something wrong.

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No sir, care must be taken! Our duty is to produce useful cultural commodity and prevent [production of] harmful cultural commodity.

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I feel [existence] of some sort of dereliction in this field;

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you must take this into consideration and attach importance [to it].

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[Now I will explain] about policies. Well, you, who are [members of] the Islamic Consultative Assembly, are a revolutionary institution;

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the Islamic Consultative Assembly is a revolutionary institution stemming from the [Islamic] Revolution;

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[therefore,] you must act [in a] revolutionary [manner], you must be and remain revolutionary.

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Of course, being revolutionary has [many] shapes, [and] has [different] forms;

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[in my speech] the day before yesterday at the mausoleum of [the late] Imam [Khomeini], I talked a little in these fields; if you were [there] or if you listened or if you heard [that speech, you would know].

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After all, revolution has some rules, [and] has fundaments. At any rate, you act [in a] revolutionary [manner] in lawmaking,

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[and] act [in a] revolutionary [manner] when taking positions;

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positions taken are also of two types: one type is the personal positions that you take, which show themselves in your speeches,

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[and] one [type] is positions taken in public. From this viewpoint, fairly speaking, the ninth [term of] the Majlis had a good record.

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In order to confront and counter opposition political currents [which are active] against the revolution,

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position must be taken, [and firm] stance must be taken. You see, for example assume that now the U.S. Congress

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– the behavior of the American government which is definitely totally hostile toward us; that is, this [point] which I say is not out of prejudice,

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nor out of guess and supposition, [but] I say it based on clear and accurate information;

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the treatment of the Islamic Republic by government of America is strongly hostile

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– [but the Congress] is now protesting to the American government that you are being tolerant toward Iran;

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[and] they keep adopting resolution(s) against Iran and talk and do everything [against us].  Well, who must give an answer to them?

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Who must face them in the arena? Who must shut their mouths?

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In the political field, the enemy counts on reactions.

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If he said something and you remained silent, it would count one way;

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if you remained silent and dropped your head down, it would count another way;

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if you remained silent and dropped your head down and did not even murmur to yourself,

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it would [again] count another way;[however,] if you held your head high and gave an answer, [the enemy] would count in a different way.

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If the enemy feels that you are passive, [and] are given to retreat, it will not let it go.

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Basically [speaking], there is no “let it go” in the world of politics, [because] they continue to raise excessive demands;

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with regard to various issues, and now, this issue of the nuclear negotiations is the latest example; you see after all!

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They keep raising demand(s), [raise] excessive demand(s), [and] threaten [Iran].

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The same remarks, which they made at that time about Iran’s nuclear activity and [uranium] enrichment and 20-percent [enrichment] and the likes of these

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that [the option] of war is on the table and such remarks – which they said time and time again – now they keep repeating the same remarks again;

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both their government officials are repeating, and their lawmakers are repeating, and [even] their future presidential candidates are repeating;

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these two [or] three candidates, who are still campaigning and have remained [in the election scene], these [candidates] even repeat that

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‘if we are elected, [we will] do this, [and] do that!

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A point to which you [must] pay attention [is this]: look, we have fault lines inside the country;

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we have ethnic fault lines, we have ideological fault lines, [and] for example, you assume,

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we have Sunni and Shia, [and] we have factional fault lines – these [various political] factions which exist and you see.

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As long as these fault lines have not been activated, there would be no earthquake, [and] there is no problem.

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[The mere] existence of differences is no problem. [However,] if these fault lines are activated, then there will be an earthquake;

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[this is why] the enemy is trying to activate these fault lines; be careful.

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They keep fanning the flames of differences in order to make [those flames] hotter and more blazing;

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try not to let this happen. You [can] have your own conviction;

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one [person] is [taking sides with] faction “A,” one person is [taking sides with] faction “B,” [and] another person belongs to that given faction, well, let them be, there is no problem [with that].

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However, if this [situation leads] to brawl and verbal fight,

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(and) verbal fight sometimes leads to manual fight

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– [as the saying goes:] “verily [any] war first begins with words;”

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[and] all wars often begin with words – [this would be a problem].

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Well, take care that the enemy would not activate these fault lines. This is one of the important points.

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There is no problem that in the Majlis [and] with regard to any given political issue, you vote in accordance with your own political viewpoint and insight,

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[and for] another [lawmaker] to vote in accordance with his own policy; but do not let this lead to fighting, [and] lead to [serious] difference.

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I believe in exactly the same thing between the administration and non-administration [organs];

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including [between] the administration and the Majlis, [and between] the administration and people. It is possible for people not to accept the policies of an administration

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– either most of its policies, or all of its policies, or some of its policies – [and] there is no problem with this.

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Who is without opponent? Who is without opposition and critic?

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All of us have opponents, opposition, [and] critics; [and] there is no problem [with that].

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The problem is where this opposition leads to fighting each other;

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be careful not to allow this to happen in the Majlis: if there is chaos in the Majlis

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– as we had this in some terms of the Majlis, when there was chaos in the Majlis – this chaos will spill over into the nation,

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[and] will create turmoil among people, even if from psychological viewpoint.

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If [on the other hand,] there is tranquility in the Majlis, this tranquility will spill over into people and this tranquility is very important;

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[as put by the Quran:] “It is He who sent down tranquility into the hearts of the believers that they would increase in faith along with their [present] faith.”

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This is the property of tranquility; tranquility is the same as peace, spiritual peace, [and] absence of turmoil [in the society].

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This will cause “that they would increase in faith along with their [present] faith.” It allows one to increase his faith;

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this is a very important and significant thing.

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Well, at the level of the world’s public opinion, the enemy tries to level accusations against the Islamic Iran;

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at our domestic level, [it] tries to activate fault lines; at the regional level – this West Asia region –

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the enemy’s effort is aimed at promoting its sensitive and important plans for this sensitive region

344
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and defuse the obstacle – which is the Islamic Iran, which prevents realization of its plans-; this is what the enemy is trying to do.

345
00:45:02,840 --> 00:45:07,400
These [enemies] have a plan for Iraq, have a plan for Syria,

346
00:45:08,200 --> 00:45:15,920
have a plan for Palestine, [and] have a plan for Lebanon; [and] they have clear-cut plans.

347
00:45:17,280 --> 00:45:23,960
Once they gave [those plans] away by mentioning the name of the “New Middle East,” and the “Greater Middle East;”

348
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that lady who was in charge of their foreign policy, [said this] in those years. They made a mistake [by saying this], [but] they said it.

349
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This [region] which they call the “Middle East” – and this designation is a wrong designation

350
00:45:41,160 --> 00:45:51,120
and totally arises from the Western [way of] thinking and idea and arrogant mind,

351
00:45:52,160 --> 00:45:59,000
namely, everything which is close to the West and is close to Europe, the name of this [region] is the Near East;

352
00:45:59,160 --> 00:46:04,520
everything that is far [from the West], is the Far East; [and] everything that is in-between, is the Middle East; that is, Europe is the norm,

353
00:46:05,720 --> 00:46:09,120
now Asia with this great size is not the norm

354
00:46:12,120 --> 00:46:19,160
– and now, they have called [this region] in their own term as the “Greater Middle East” and the “New Middle East,”

355
00:46:19,160 --> 00:46:21,160
they have a plan for this region. The reason is that this region is very sensitive from various viewpoints;

356
00:46:21,360 --> 00:46:27,360
The reason is that this region is very sensitive from various viewpoints; from the viewpoint of the existence of Muslims

357
00:46:27,760 --> 00:46:34,760
[and] existence of Islam, from the viewpoint of the existence of the Zionist regime [of Israel], from the viewpoint of the existence of huge oil reserves here,

358
00:46:34,960 --> 00:46:39,480
from the viewpoint of the existence of the world’s important waterways here

359
00:46:40,120 --> 00:46:50,720
– the Strait of Hormoz is here, the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb is here, [and] a number of important straits are in this region;

360
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these straits are very important in the world, are very important in terms of political geography, [and] are very important in strategic terms

361
00:47:01,840 --> 00:47:05,040
– [and this is why] they are sensitive about this region, have a plan [for this region],

362
00:47:05,400 --> 00:47:10,400
[and] have plot(s) [in mind]; [and] they want to follow up on their plots without any obstacle and without any trouble.

363
00:47:10,680 --> 00:47:16,360
Now, the Islamic Republic has entered and blocked their plots; they wanted to devour Iraq;

364
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[but] the Islamic Republic did not allow [this to happen]. These [Western states] are angry about this, [because] their plots have been foiled;

365
00:47:22,720 --> 00:47:30,440
these [Western states] wanted to devour Iraq. Iraq is a very rich country; do you know this? Iraq is very rich;

366
00:47:31,320 --> 00:47:40,440
these [Western states] wanted to devour Iraq and through domination over Iraq, pose permanent threat to Iran, just in the same way

367
00:47:41,040 --> 00:47:48,000
that they wanted to threaten [Iran] in another way from the east; this was their goal. [However,] the policies of the Islamic Republic prevented [this] and did not allow this [to happen].

368
00:47:48,160 --> 00:47:56,440
Well, these [enemies] are bent on removing this obstacle; a case similar to this is [taking place] in Syria; a case similar to this is [taking place] in Palestine;

369
00:47:56,640 --> 00:48:06,600
these are [their] policies; [and you must] stand against these policies. Disclose the [true] face of the Arrogance;

370
00:48:06,920 --> 00:48:15,640
disclose those facts about the Arrogance and the arrogant system, which are available or will be made available to you;

371
00:48:15,840 --> 00:48:22,040
say [these facts]; [and] create the [necessary] atmosphere [both] in your speeches, [and] in your public positions.

372
00:48:22,360 --> 00:48:28,160
And be careful [that] what you say and what you do would not help [achievement] of America’s goals.

373
00:48:28,800 --> 00:48:35,120
Sometimes, we have had [certain] cases in the past when a Majlis deputy has said something and his remark

374
00:48:35,400 --> 00:48:43,160
has been one hundred percent at the service of the Zionist regime’s goals. I mean, one hundred percent, not [even] ninety percent!

375
00:48:43,760 --> 00:48:50,440
[It was] as if they had exactly dictated their remarks to him and he reflected them here.

376
00:48:50,600 --> 00:48:57,200
We have had such cases, of course, rarely; [however,] be careful that such things would not happen [again].

377
00:48:57,600 --> 00:49:06,720
Well, [our meeting] has taken too long; I am not usually used to talking a lot in this meeting [with lawmakers].

378
00:49:06,960 --> 00:49:14,240
God willing, the Almighty would make you successful and help you. I pray for you;

379
00:49:14,400 --> 00:49:19,840
as Mr. Dr. Larijani [Iran's parliament speaker] told me to pray, I really pray for you excellencies,

380
00:49:20,120 --> 00:49:25,800
brethren and sisters; [I ask] you [to] pray for me as well, so that, God willing, I would be able

381
00:49:26,240 --> 00:49:33,000
to cope with this burden, which has been put on my shoulder(s), a heavy burden that is not an easy one.

382
00:49:33,200 --> 00:49:39,160
O Almighty! [I swear you] by Mohammad and Mohammad’s Household [to] provide grounds for your satisfaction with us;

383
00:49:40,200 --> 00:49:45,200
help us succeed to earn your satisfaction;

384
00:49:45,960 --> 00:49:49,800
make the [sacred] soul of [Hadhrat] Vali Asr [Imam Zaman] (PBUH) satisfied and content with us;

385
00:49:50,520 --> 00:49:53,120
resurrect our dear martyrs with Prophet [Mohammad] (PBUH).

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Peace be unto you and so may the mercy of Allah and His blessings