In the Name of God, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful
الحمد لله ربّ العالمين
و الصّلاة و السّلام علي سيّدنا و نبيّنا ابي‌القاسم المصطفي محمّد
و علي آله الاطيبين الاطهرين المنتجبين
سيّما بقيّةالله في الارضين
You are very welcome dear brethren and sisters. As I have frequently noted,
this meeting is a symbolic meeting; [and] in fact, it shows the respect and veneration and adulation
that I have for science and teachers of science and university.
Well, this is also a very good opportunity for me to listen to remarks of esteemed speakers,
and get an overall image of the discourse-based scientific and intellectual atmosphere in the country’s universities.
That is, what [our] friends said [here], in addition [to the fact] that the content of [their] remarks was useful and,
God willing, I will follow up on these [remarks] and will transfer them to officials,
they also to some extent depict the general atmosphere in the country’s universities, [and] therefore are useful to me.
By the way, [let me] tell you [that] they [sometimes] ask and this question is conveyed to me that
through what ways he [the Leader] obtains [his] information? About university and about science and about
the existing situation and the likes of these [about which] I sometimes talk, [they want to know] through what means and through what channels [I obtain my information]?
In response, I say that most of it is related to the inside of the universities;
that is, contacts are made with me through professors, through students,
through directors and officials of the country’s scientific and the country’s academic organs.
I mean, a wide spectrum of communication networks helps me
get information about the realities of science and scientist(s) and university and the likes of these.
[They include] both official state reports, [through] which esteemed ministers report to me
at various junctures – either I want a report [from them], or they report to me on various occasions –
and popular contacts, which are made by professors, by scientists, by students
and people related to university, which know something, [and] inform me and I take advantage of it,
and [also] through these citation centers, which this gentleman named [from] which they translate [material] and bring it to me,
including what UNESCO has said about us and what ISI has said or the Scopus has said;
I collect [all] this information. These are [the main] channels for my information.
Therefore, conflict and overlap among these information sources gives one some sort of confidence that what I know is correct.
What I want to say is that one of the duties of pundits and sages and elites of a country is to look to the future.
What kind of Iran do we want to have 20 years from now? This is very important.
If we talk about economy, talk about science, talk about technology,
[and] talk about ethics and knowledge, the goal is that it must be clear
what kind of Iran we want [to have] for the juncture [of time which comes] twenty years later.
Well, now, we delineated [the country’s] twenty-year perspective [plan about] ten [or] eleven years ago,
very well, now of course, there are various assessments [which aim to clarify] that during these ten years that have passed, have we progressed equal to ten years
or progressed equal to five years, or equal to 12 years, or 15 years; there are different viewpoints [in this regard].
What kind of Iran do we want to have twenty years later? Twenty years from now, today’s students
will be occupying managerial posts, [and will] manage the country;
the importance of the work that you professors and officials of universities do is [more evident] here;
that is, these people who are your students today, twenty years later, these will be president, will be minister, will be Majlis deputies,
[and] will be heading that given organ; I mean, the country will be in their hands;
[so,] what do you want to have twenty years later? This is a very important point, is an important question,
[and] is an important concern and preoccupation, which
cannot be ignored by the country's pundits and the country’s sages, including you.
If we have an overall [and] desirable picture in our mind for twenty years later,
the duty [to materialize it] is on the shoulder of this science and knowledge chain, from the [Ministry of] Education to university;
the responsibility is theirs, [and] it is these [institutions], which today want to train that generation,
that is to take charge of [the country’s] affairs twenty years from now.
Do we want to have an Iran with these characteristics, which I will explain, twenty years later?
A powerful Iran; [do we want] a powerful Iran twenty years later?
Powerful means [an Iran which] will not be in fear of threats posed by small and big enemies,
[and] will not be intimidated [because] it will be relying on its own power; a powerful Iran. An independent Iran [is the next characteristic].
Sometimes a country does not feel intimidated by foreign enemies, but due to its dependence on a [foreign] power;
like a child, who feels secure and powerful due to dependence on his father. Do we want to be like this? Or no,
we want [our country] to be an Iran, whose power is reliant on itself, [and] would be [also] independent, [and would] have independence?
[We want] a religious, and rich Iran endowed with justice, economic justice, social justice, [and] judicial justice;
an Iran with a popular government; an Iran with a clean, hard-working, sympathizing, and pious government.
[We] want such an Iran, which is, of course, a desirable goal.
Or no, we do not care about these elements, which were said [above]; [and] we do not attach much importance to these points, which were said,
or [we] are even opposed to some of them; [that is,] we want an Iran where
there would be economic prosperity and economic welfare, even in the form of dependence on others.
Of course, such a thing is not possible and now, [this issue] needs discussion,
as a country that is dependent on others in economic terms,
it is not possible for it to have [real] economic welfare; yes, summits of wealth are created in those places,
but that it would be a country endowed with welfare and intellectual and economic tranquility, [no,] this is not possible.
Now suppose that we want to be dependent and see no problem in being dependent from a political viewpoint,
just as some people are explicitly saying this right now. [Suppose that we want] a monocultural county – almost like now –
[which would be] dependent on oil and selling raw [materials]; a country which has been left adrift from a cultural viewpoint;
a country afflicted with social divides,
ethnic divides, religious denominational divides, [and] political divides;
a country under an aristocratic rule, with summits of wealth such as what [exists] in America
– an Iranian Wall Street – versus poverty and deprivation of a large number of people; [suppose that] we want a country with these characteristics and something similar to this.
In America, according to these open news, a group of people die when temperature rises;
well, nobody dies of heat in their homes; this means homelessness;
or when it is cold, many people die of cold
– whose figures sometimes get out of their hands and are announced and most of the times are not announced –
this [also] means homelessness. In a country with that [huge] wealth – America is a rich country –
this means that there are summits [of wealth] and beside these summits, there are valleys of misery
and disorder and poverty and deprivation.
Well, what do we want? Of course, there are intermediate states and modes between these two [extreme] modes.
If we want our Iran twenty years from now, according to the first mode that I explained, to be an Iran which
would be rich from material and spiritual viewpoints, be progressive, be powerful, be dignified,
be endowed with [great] blessings and good deeds in terms of its domestic situation
– both material blessings and good deeds, and spiritual blessings and good deeds,
[and] the religiosity which I said means spiritual blessings and good deeds – this needs some steps [to be taken]
and most of these steps are taken in universities. This is why I put [so much] emphasis on and am sensitive about university and about [university] professor(s)
and about esteemed academic ministers.
Now, one of these gentlemen talked about efficiency; well, [boosting] efficiency is whose responsibility?
All the trouble, which we are taking is for this [purpose] that this efficiency would be realized.
Who [realizes] efficiency?
[It is realized by] that erudite, patient, devout person, who works for God,
does not work for his personal benefit, and knows the work and enters the arena and does [the work] valiantly; [realizing] efficiency is a task for him.
We are after this [person]. Where this [person] is trained? Mostly in universities.
Then the issue goes back to university; [therefore,] universities must be helped to develop those characteristics,
which would be needed by the country of tomorrow, the country twenty years later, and Iran twenty years later. The issue of university is so important.
Well, there are requirements for [the realization of] these things, which I said, [and] I have summarized these requirements under a number of general topics:
scientific progress is necessary, moral discipline is necessary, religious self-restraint in the university environment is necessary,
These are imperative and necessary requirements, which must be there, so that, what we want would be realized.
In the absence of every one [of these requirements], one pillar [for the realization of these goals] is missing.
political insight is necessary, [and finally,] the feeling of [having] identity and taking pride in that identity is necessary.
Our student must feel [the influence of] Iranian and Islamic identity and take pride in it.
Now, if time allows, I will give a brief explanation about every one [of these requirements].
Well, [the fact] that I sometimes keep giving notices about these
co-ed [student] excursions and unlawful measures and these things,
do not consider this [as a sign of] religious bigotry; these measures cause flaw(s) [in university],
[and] these [measures] cause problem and take the academic environment out of the [suitable] form it must and is needed to have.
That we remain indifference in the face of these things is quite the opposite of what
we expect from university today and need [to have] in our universities.
As for the issue of scientific progress,
gentlemen made very good remarks here; that is, these remarks, [these] gentlemen and ladies made in different sectors,
were very good remarks; this is indicative of [the existence of] a scientific movement [in the country].
Approximately, from the early [years of] the [13]80s (early 2000s) up to the present time, which the issue of science and scientific progress was brought up
– as I remember, I think I raised this issue for the first time at Amir Kabir University [of Technology]
and followed up [on it] –
a movement came into being in the true sense of the word, and since the ground and potential and capacity for it existed in the country,
the scientific growth [of the country] turned into a very good growth.
The issue on which I put emphasis, is the issue of the speed of this [scientific] growth.
In one of the meetings, in which again university chancellors and professors were present, I
talked about the speed of [the country’s scientific] growth and warned that this speed has somehow slowed down.
The esteemed Minister [of Science, Research and Technology] wrote a letter to me [in which he said:]
“No, our growth continues” and he had mentioned some figures as well. I know that the [scientific] growth continues;
my argument is not over this [problem] that we do not have scientific growth; well, yes, I see that we have [this growth];
my argument is about the speed of this growth; [and I believe that] our speed has decreased.
Today, we need to speech up this growth.
Look, for example, in a car race
in which everybody is moving at a speed of 250 or 300 [kilometers per hour], if you
are in the front row [and your speed is] the same 250 or 300 [kilometers per hour], there is no problem;
however, if you are at the end of the line, [and if] you are in the rear,
then the speed of 250 [kilometers per hour] would not benefit you;
if you move at the [same speed] of 250 and 300 [kilometers per hour] that the car ahead of you is moving , you would always lag behind;
[therefore,] you must increase your speed until you are in front; once you are there, very well, [you can] move at the same speed as them.
Now, some of these gentlemen – which well of course, this has been also mentioned in citation centers – now said
that the speed of scientific growth has decreased in some European countries; I know this.
The reason is that they have taken advantage of their capacities;
when capacities are taken advantage of in full, well, there is no more place for progress, this is obvious;
though the science never stops. We are not like this; we have been kept behind [advanced countries].
At least for sixty [or] seventy years due to [presence] of corrupt governments, treacherous governments, [and] negligent governments
– negligence is the least [of their faults] – we have been kept behind, [and] we [still] lag behind.
If we want to go ahead in this global competition, we cannot
move at the same growth speed at which [they] are moving in front of us;
we must increase the speech of [our scientific] growth.
This is what I demand; otherwise, I know there is growth [in the country].
[But] this growth must be sped up. Of course, as for the [scientific] growth, we rank the fourth in the world;
this has been reported to me by Mr. Minister [of science, research and technology],
[and] I had also seen this in a report, which had been released by one of the citation centers.
Yes, we stand on the fourth rank [in terms of scientific growth], but this is not enough, [and] we must increase the speed of our movement.
The feeling of identity [is another important issue]. I said that [our students] should have a feeling of identity.
We must know the realities of the country; what was said [here] today was [just] part of realities.
[These realities show] that we have taken these steps in the space sector, have taken these steps in the nano sector, have taken these steps in the nuclear sector,
have taken these steps in biotechnology sectors, [and] have progressed as such in the medical sector;
these are things, which must be told. [A university] professor can affect the heart of [his] student with regard to the feeling of identity,
so that, [the student] would feel that he has a valuable identity and take pride in it.
If our [university] professors sow despair in the heart of the student at the classroom
and continue saying, “You are little, you are insignificant, [and] you are backward,” this is treason; frankly speaking, this is treason.
[It is also treason] if our professors encourage the talented student [to leave the country by saying] that: “Sir, you have remained here to do what?
Get up and go [abroad and] take advantage [of your talent]!” Well, here, the best universities of the country
have prepared this student at a high cost, [and] trained him;
then when it is time to take advantage and make use of this valuable sapling, should he [be encouraged to] take its fruit somewhere else? This is treason.
This is the meaning of [having a] sense of identity: the students should feel that being Iranian and being Muslim
and being revolutionary is an honor and [must] take pride in this.
Yes, we lag behind, but we have [necessary] force, we have effort, we have energy, we have [the power of the] youth,
[and] we [are able to] move, go ahead and reach [our destination]. [The fact] that I said Persian language
– which the esteemed presenter of the program pointed out – I don’t mean the issue of Persian language [per se];
of course, Persian language is a very valuable thing and I have put a lot of emphasis on it in the right place,
[but] what I say is that we [must] reach such a [lofty] place in terms of scientific [position]
that if another person wanted to learn that knowledge and get to that high grade [of science] he would have to learn Persian.
Just in the same way that today, with regard to part of science, if you want to access scientific updates, you have to learn, for example, English language or French;
this is what I’m saying; we must take the country to such [a lofty] position. Yes, we have energy, have power, [and] have capacity;
we lag behind, but we can get ourselves to the front; just in the same way
that we were much more behind [advanced countries, but] we have taken ourselves thus far where we are today. This is what I say.
Well, now, of course, I mentioned figures here, and there is no more need [to say them again because] some of them were said by [these] gentlemen.
Global centers that judge [scientific progress of countries] – including these very citation centers; including
scientific magazines, [like] the Science magazine, [and] the Nature magazine – what they say about Iran
is indicative of their amazement. Now, for example,
there is a scientometrics institute in Canada, which says “Iran's scientific advances are staggering.”
Then the interesting [part] is the next sentence, which says, “and a source of concern for the West!”
Well, if you are [really] humans, why you become concerned. Do you have to be concerned if a nation advances in scientific terms?
Another famous scientific magazine of the world – [which is] the Science magazine –
[writes:] “Iran is an emerging scientific power.” They wrote, recorded, [and] published this: [Iran is] the emerging scientific power.
As they have reported to me and have written for me, UNESCO released a report in 2015 – that is, just last year –
on the [future] outlook of science up to 2030.
In that report, it says Iran is trying to convert the resource-based economy to knowledge-based economy.
This is the same point on which I have frequently put emphasis and today, some of [these] gentlemen pointed out here.
Yes, this is why I put so much emphasis on knowledge-based economy.
It says: “Sanctions have been effective [in this regard]; [because] sanctions indirectly helped Iran
think that it must make the economy knowledge-based.”
UNESCO’s report [also] says that among Iran's priorities with regard to scientific issues
is stem cells, is nuclear [technology], is aerospace, is exchange of energy, [and] is information technology.
They are studying and looking at all this [as if] under a magnifying glass.
These steps, which we are taking, are important steps. Well, our students
must know these [facts]; when they know [them], they will have a sense of identity,
will feel exalted and will take pride in themselves, in being Iranian, [and] in belonging to the revolution.
Of course, the sense of identity is not only limited to the field of science;
with regard to saying something new – just what this gentleman said [here that:] “say something new” – [we] have said something new.
The idea of democracy along with spirituality and religion was a new idea in the world of today.
Do not think that the idea of tendency toward spirituality is an outdated and reactionary and,
as some may say, demoded issue and the likes of these. No, today, the world
is turbulent due to a spiritual void and accepts this [idea]. They are saying this, [and] are repeating this,
but where they can get spirituality from? Spirituality cannot be injected to the nation like an ampoule;
[they] don’t have [this], [and] are having problem and, of course, their problem will grow deeper too.
[The fact] that we came and created a democracy along with religion, [and] along with spirituality, [it is] democracy in the real sense of the word.
In other places, democracy is, in fact, rule of [political] parties.
In the West, [political] party does not mean a far-reaching collection and network among people;
neither in America, nor in Britain, nor in other places. Pay attention to this. In Western countries, party is [just] a club; it is a political club,
[and] a club where a group of elites come together
with slogans, [and along] with capitalists, with the likes of these people who can attract [other] people through propaganda in elections;
[this] is not democracy in the real sense [of the word]. Here – in our country – there is democracy in the real sense of the world,
[and] at the same time, it is accompanied with religion and with Islam. Well, these [issues] impart a sense of identity [to people].
If this sense of identity is created in a young person, there would be no divergence.
We have several thousand students outside [the country], [and] if this is [considered] an honor, that student will come back to Iran. [Of course,] he must finish his studies [first].
I do not feel scared by student(s) going out of the country, [and] I have frequently noted
that they may go and finish their studies, learn, [and] then come back and be useful for their country. When will this happen?
When he will feel proud about being Iranian, [and] about being revolutionary. This is the meaning of this sense of identity.
One issue is about [the role of] politics in universities. Several years before this – a long time ago, [and] many years ago –
[when talking] about [the role of] politics in universities, I used a phrase,
over which state officials of that time became very upset [objecting that] ‘why you say this’.
I said, “God damn those people who put an end to political thinking and political work and political effort in universities.”
They complained to me that ‘you make students [engage in] political work’.
Well, now, of course the same people sometimes hypocritically say [different] things about university and student and such things,
though their real opinion is [still] the same; [but] my opinion is this.
The university environment, naturally, is an environment for conflict of viewpoints and ideas, [because] this is the nature of the university.
The reason is that, on the one hand, the young person has not yet reached that theoretical and fundamental maturity, which would calm him down
– you know that when a human being achieves intellectual maturity, this creates some sense of tranquility in him,
which saves him from that challenging state [he had before];
it is not so about a young person, [and] he is not like this – [and] on the other hand, he is full of energy and [willingness for] discussion and the likes of these.
When I go back over my own memories and [go back] to my own period of youth – [about] fifty [or] sixty years ago –
when I had discussions with some people over political issues, [and] over [revolutionary] struggles, [I see that it was full of] clamoring and shouting!
The challenging environment is a peculiarity of the youth,
especially a young student, who well, is given to these challenges. Therefore, there is no problem with this. The problem is
when we exploit this challenging environment against the revolution and the values of revolution, this is bad.
Different ways of thinking, different choices, [and] different political tendencies can exist in university, [and] there is no problem with that;
[because] they engage in discussion with one another, and create challenge.
What is the duty of the official in charge of managing university? Is his duty to support that tendency
which is at odds with the fundaments of the revolution and cooperate with it?
No, this is absolutely [not right]; [and] this is quite the opposite of [his] responsibility.
University officials, including managers, senior managers, [and] ministerial managers [all the way down] to the professors
who are in the classroom and faces the student, their duty is that
in this challenging university complex they [must] try to guide these challenges toward those things, which lead to the [materialization of the] fundaments
of the revolution, [and] lead to the [realization of the] goals of the revolution; that is, to raise the youth in a revolutionary manner.
In short, universities must be revolutionary, students must be revolutionary,
[and] students must be a Muslim struggling on the path of Allah; [therefore, university officials and professors] must guide [students] in this direction.
Of course, I sometimes receive reports, which show the opposite of this.
And I am saying this to these gentlemen who are present here – higher education officials and managers
– [that] you are highly responsible, [and] must be very careful. [You must] be careful that the environment in university
would not turn into a place for divergence from the revolution and concepts of the revolution and values of the revolution,
from religiosity, from revolutionarism, [and] from the memory and name of the honorable Imam [Khomeini]; this is among inevitable requirements [of universities].
There may be a person or a group in universities with a tendency, which may lead to disintegration of the country
– this [tendency] exists, [and] this is true; of course, you, who are in university, [must know that] such a thing exists in some universities;
[and] I am informed of it – these tendencies cannot be endorsed; [and] cannot be supported.
There are tendencies [in universities], which push the country toward dependence. These [tendencies] should not be supported;
I do not want to say that [they must be countered] with force and security work and things like these; no, such issues must be handled by taking wise steps,
managerial steps, [and] tactful steps.
Therefore, the issue of revolutionarism and discipline [is important].
I have a number of recommendations, as now it is late, [so,] I explain them in brief:
first of all, higher education officials – both at the [Ministry of] Health and Treatment [and Medical Education], and at the [Ministry of] Science [Research and Technology] –
should not let [any person who is] a researcher and an innovator to lose hope and become tired, [because] this is a risk.
You saw these gentlemen came [here] and talked with vibrancy and with interest.
This vibrancy must flow across all our research institutes as well as
[all] places of research and [scientific] study and academic environments,
[and] everybody must feel there is hope; don’t let them lose hope, [and] don’t let them become tired.
Among those things to which I have already paid attention and today specialists confirm,
is to attach importance to basic sciences.
Once I drew an analogy here in a gathering of scientists and researchers and the likes of these,
[and] I said basic sciences are similar to your deposit at a bank, which is a [source of] support for your life;
applied sciences are like that money, which you put in your pocket and spend; [therefore, they] are necessary. [Therefore,] applied sciences cannot be ignored,
[and] must be considered important. However, the fundament of [the scientific] work is basic sciences.
Specialists and experienced scientists have been quoted as saying – which we must also learn from them, I mean, I must learn from them
– that if there were not for basic sciences, applied sciences would not get anywhere.
The next recommendation [is that] the issue of scientific diplomacy is important. Basically speaking, diplomacy is an important matter;
economic diplomacy is also important, cultural diplomacy is also important, [and] diplomacy of science is also important;
[in general] diplomacy is important [in its entirety]. However, you must pay attention that in the diplomacy of science – [through] scientific communications to which I agree – we must not be deceived.
Look, a person comes [apparently] as a businessperson and sits down with our economist,
[or] with our businessperson, for example, at a given restaurant or at a given hotel of the country
and starts talking and making arrangements for transaction, [but] when we investigate later, it becomes clear that he is a security agent of the Zionist regime,
who is pursuing certain goals under the guise of a businessperson. The same issue holds water with regard to [diplomacy of] science.
Yes, take advantage of foreign scientists. I have frequently said in gatherings of students
that we are not ashamed of learning [from anybody] as pupil, [and] we will learn as pupil,
but [at the same time,] through scientific communication and in [the course of] scientific learning.
we must be vigilant that no hole and orifice and aperture is opened for security infiltration [by enemies]
These [enemies of Iran] take advantage of anything for [achieving their goal of] security infiltration; even of science. This has happened,
[and] has taken place before, [and] unfortunately, is currently taking place in some places as well.
The next point is the issue of scientific papers. Well, they presented statistics related to scientific papers and I am also aware [of that].
The number of papers has increased, [but] scientific papers must be directed toward the country’s needs.
Today, we need in the oil sector, we need in the agriculture sector,
we need with regard to various industries, [and] we need in the field of communications
[to do] research, [and] to write papers. [Be careful that] papers, which are written [here], should not be in line with the need of [another] given country.
This is also one point: directing [scientific] papers toward what the country needs.
The issue of [the country’s] comprehensive scientific roadmap is the next issue.
Of course, formulation of this comprehensive roadmap was a good step, but it must be both explained to all universities, and also turn into a [national] plan.
One point about the Economy of Resistance – and well, Dr. Derakhshan, fairly speaking, talked very good in this regard
– [is that] the Economy of Resistance is both [guarantor of our] national dignity, and can solve [our] current problems.
[I said this] because they asked me ‘you, who emphasize national dignity and keep talking in [your] speeches about national dignity and the likes of these,
what do you want to do about existing needs of the society?’ This is my answer:
if the Economy of Resistance is implemented in the real sense of the word – [that is,] in the same way that has been said and demanded –
and [if it] is accompanied with practical step and action, [it will] both realize [our] national dignity, and meet the country’s needs,
because it relies on domestic capacities, on domestic potentialities, [and] on domestic production.
The next issue is that cultural work is the main [work to be done] in universities.
It is neither an extracurricular not a marginal work; [and] importance should be attached to cultural works.
Of course, the meaning of cultural work is not holding a concert in university, or for example, [to organize] dancing [ceremony] in universities
these [steps] are not cultural work, [but on the opposite] are anti-cultural work. Cultural work means that work,
which would familiarize people’s minds with the culture of the revolution and the culture of Islam; this is the cultural work.
Officials [must] open the arena to devout students and to devout professors,
[and] let a devout professor and a devout student breath in university environment in the real sense of the word.
Of course, my recommendation to revolutionary [and] devout students and professors is that they must play their role.
I told the youth that [you] are officers of soft war, [and] you [professors] are also commanders of soft war;
very well, command [your forces], [and] play [your] role. Soft war is in progress.
Since that day when I said [we are engaged in] “soft war” [with enemies] up to the present day, which is about two [or] three years, intensity of this war has increased several times.
The enemy is fighting against us. This issue of language, which Ms. Qahremani explained here, was a very important matter and interesting point,
[of course,] if [due] care and attention is paid to it. From a cultural viewpoint, they are fighting against us on all sides;
its reason is obvious and I have frequently explained. Well, we must prepare ourselves.
I said unreliable people should not be present in universities;
they ask, “Sir, who is unreliable?” Unreliable is the one who challenges the [Islamic] establishment under any excuse. q
Which country allows its ruling establishment be challenged?
Does America, which they claim to be the center of freedom, allow this?
John Steinbeck – who had written a number of novels, including “The Grapes of Wrath” and the likes of these which are famous
– was put under the most difficult pressures. Anybody who made the least remark in America,
which smacked of socialism – [I mean,] not being [overtly] socialism, but [even] weakly smelling of socialism –
[they] restricted him in various ways; from physical assassination to character assassination and the likes of these. [They] are like this,
[and] they do not [let] the establishment be challenged. Now, [is it right for us] to challenge the establishment under the pretext of elections, [and] under this and that pretext?
This person who challenges the system under different pretexts, is unreliable.
I have also written down something about humanities, but the time has passed, [and] I think we are [even] past the schedule [set for this session].
Human studies in Western humanities stem from Western views on human beings;
this is the gist of this issue. [I do] not [mean] that we [must] negate all achievements of humanities; no,
anything that can be used, we must take advantage of, but the general outline and general structure of
humanities, which have come from the West, are dependent on Western worldview about humans and Western human studies, which considers humans as something,
[while] we consider humans as something else [and] different from what the Western materialistic school thinks about humans.
Therefore, we must [attach importance] to the Islamic humanities.
O Almighty! Make for yourself and in your path what we said, what we endeavored [for],
what we thought and what we heard;
accept them from us;
[and] let the purity of the month of Ramadan shed light on our hearts.
O Almighty! [We swear You] by [Prophet] Mohammad (PBUH) and Mohammad’s Household [to] guide the country, the society, the universities, the [university] professors, the students,
[and] the science in the direction of Your lofty goals on a daily basis.
Peace be unto you and so may the mercy of Allah and His blessings